Monday, January 24th | 22 Shevat 5782

May 27, 2018 10:33 am

The Battle for PA Leadership Shifts Into High Gear

avatar by Yoni Ben Menachem /


Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas heads a cabinet meeting in the West Bank city of Ramallah, July 28, 2013. Photo: Reuters / Issam Rimawi / Pool / File. – In the best tradition of dictatorial Arab regimes, obscurity has descended upon the state of health of Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas, who has been hospitalized in Ramallah.

The Palestinian people have no official information on the subject. All they know comes from statements by his close associates and leaks to the Arab media.

No Palestinian doctor from the hospital in Ramallah has stood in front of the TV cameras to give an update on the 83-year-old leader or answer any questions about his health.

According to sources in Fatah, the person responsible for this policy is Abbas himself, as well as the people who surround him, led by Gen. Majid Faraj and Saeb Erekat.

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They are keeping all medical information quiet so that they can make political use out of it. This secrecy has created a rumor mill in the territories. At this rate, the day will soon come when senior PA officials will accuse Israel of “poisoning” Abbas, just as it supposedly “poisoned” Yasser Arafat, and they will even declare him a shahid, a “martyr.”

There is no limit to the web of lies and propaganda that is being used, even now, to build the myth of Mahmoud Abbas.

Abbas was hospitalized on May 20 for the third time in recent days after an operation on his ear. The Al-Hayat newspaper in London claimed on May 21 that, according to knowledgeable Palestinian sources, Abbas is suffering from severe pneumonia. He was conscious, but breathing on a respirator.

Nonetheless, Erekat stated on May 21 that Abbas’ condition is good and he will be discharged soon.

Abbas, 83, also suffers from severe heart problems. Although he has had three catheterizations, he remains a heavy smoker. Over the past few months, he has begun to prepare for his retirement from Palestinian politics and has taken two significant steps in this regard.

First, he passed a resolution at Fatah’s Revolutionary Committee, stating that if he were to become incapacitated, his vice chairman Mahmoud al-Aloul would replace him for 60 days as head of the movement until primaries and the election of a new leader can be organized.

Second, he passed a resolution before the Palestinian National Council allowing the transfer of the PNC’s authority to the PLO Central Committee, which has 115 members — thereby turning it into the body for making the most important decisions, including the election of a new PA head.

This way, Abbas has pushed Hamas, which controls the Palestinian Legislative Council, out of the succession struggle, leaving it limited to the Fatah movement, which is the backbone of the PA.

At least eight senior Fatah officials see themselves as potential successors to Abbas. At the top is Marwan Barghouti, who is in an Israeli jail, serving five life sentences for the murder of Israeli citizens.

The chances that Israel will let Barghouti out of jail to replace Abbas are very low. Apart from him, the following are competing for the job:

  • Gen. Majid Faraj, head of the intelligence service.
  • Mahmoud al-Aloul, vice-chairman of Fatah.
  • Jibril Rajoub, secretary-general of Fatah.
  • Saeb Erekat, secretary-general of the PLO’s steering committee.
  • Mohammed Dahlan, who was expelled from Fatah.
  • Dr. Mohammed a-Shattiyeh, member of the Fatah Central Committee.
  • Tawfik al-Tirawi, also a member of the Fatah Central Committee.

However, due to the power struggles waged as part of the succession battle, and out of a desire to keep the Palestinian Authority whole, Abbas decided that he should designate a temporary successor to cover the interim period until general elections can be arranged.

According to a report on the Al-Khaleej website from May 5, Abbas informed the Fatah leadership that he was going to appoint Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah as temporary PA head until general elections can be held in the territories.

Hamdallah is Abbas’ default choice, because he is loyal and does not belong to any camp other than Fatah. He is also accepted by the United States, Israel, and the Arab states. On the other hand, he is not an official member of the PLO leadership and has never been incarcerated in an Israeli prison, a positive attribute in the Palestinian world.

Even if Abbas recovers and leaves the hospital, it is clear that he is living on borrowed time and can’t lead the Palestinian administration for too much longer.

Israel, the Fatah top brass, the United States, and the moderate Arab countries have a shared interest in a stable transfer period and a quiet succession until a new leader is elected.

It is by no means certain that this can be done. Armed militias are on alert for the moment Abbas either retires or is incapacitated. These groups are loyal to Majid Faraj, Mohammed Dahlan, Mahmoud al-Aloul, Jibril Rajoub, Marwan Barghouti, and Tawfik al-Tirawi.

Throughout the West Bank, violence may break out between the various factions within Fatah as they all jostle for power and the situation could deteriorate into civil war.

Hamas is also not expected to be idle. It is likely to stir up its agents inside the West Bank and join the struggle for succession. Its main interest is to take power in the West Bank and torpedo any peace talks with Israel.

Interesting times lie ahead. It is possible that the Israel Defense Forces will need to intervene to prevent Hamas from gaining ground or prevent clashes between the various factions of Fatah, which may endanger the lives of IDF soldiers and Israeli citizens living in Judea and Samaria.

Yoni Ben Menachem, a veteran Arab affairs and diplomatic commentator for Israel radio and television, is a senior Middle East analyst for the Jerusalem Center. He served as director general and chief editor of the Israel Broadcasting Authority.

The opinions presented by Algemeiner bloggers are solely theirs and do not represent those of The Algemeiner, its publishers or editors. If you would like to share your views with a blog post on The Algemeiner, please be in touch through our Contact page.

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