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September 21, 2020 4:18 am

Is It True That Normalization Doesn’t Improve Israel’s Existential Problem?

avatar by Eric Mandel / JNS.org

Opinion

Bahrain’s Foreign Minister Abdullatif Al Zayani, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and United Arab Emirates Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed display their copies of signed agreements while US. President Donald Trump looks on at the signing ceremony of the Abraham Accords. Photo: Reuters/Tom Brenner.

JNS.orgHadar Susskind, the president and CEO of Americans for Peace Now, penned an article in JTA titled, “Normalizing relations with the UAE does nothing to help fix Israel’s existential problems.” He said, “Frankly, we see little reason for celebration.” How sad, political, and myopic a viewpoint. Even the progressive Haaretz newspaper called the normalization agreement a “historic signing.”

When I was in Bahrain, Abu Dhabi, and Dubai last year, accompanied by two Israelis, there was an enthusiasm for continuing the under-the-radar cooperation between these moderate Arab states and Israel, for everyone’s mutual benefit. But the consensus view was that until the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was resolved, the relationship would be confined to an indefinite state of limbo. The Palestinian veto held sway in Arab capitals as it had since the infamous three “No’s” of the Khartoum Conference more than 50 years ago: No peace, no negotiation, no recognition of Israel.

After 72 years of saying no, some moderate and stable Arab states have begun to prioritize their own interests over the Palestinians, and with a remarkable and courageous step, they have decided to recognize Israel and normalize relations. How can one not celebrate the third and fourth Arab states, after Jordan and Egypt, to make peace with Israel with the likelihood of more on the way? Morocco, Oman, Sudan, Chad, and Saudi Arabia might all be on the flight path to normalization. If we were not in such a hyper-polarized political climate with a lightning rod of a president, these developments, if under a Barack Obama administration, would be placed on the fast track for a Nobel Peace Prize.

Yet Susskind looks through a lens that sees everything through the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with Israel as the intransigent party that has blinded him and his fellow travelers to the complex reality of the situation, completely ignoring the fact that peace has not been achieved because of the Palestinians. Their demand for an unconditional “right of return” of descendants of refugees, something Einat Wilf calls the “War of Return,” is a demand that has not been granted to any other refugee group and is minimized or ignored by progressive “peace” advocates. Susskind says that the signing is happening as Israel “continues to entrench the occupation,” completely ignoring the quid pro quo that suspended the extension of sovereignty into any new territory in the West Bank.

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It cannot be repeated often enough that under Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian Authority could have had a state with more than 100% of the territory of the West Bank (Judea and Samaria), with land swaps and eastern Jerusalem as their capital. But because of the PA’s corruption, inability to sign an end-of-conflict agreement with Israel, and its contest with its rival Hamas to show who can more honor terrorists, the Palestinian people have become the real losers. That is why Israeli society has moved from the center-left during the Oslo years to the center-right today. Progressive voices like Susskind and Jeremy Ben-Ami of J Street are magnified by some like-minded mainstream American media and progressive groups, but they are unrepresentative of the vast majority of Israelis who have to live with the consequences of imposed solutions. There is something unseemly and condescending when one democratic nation tells another democratic nation what is in its best interests, especially when it deals with existential security issues.

The peace deals between Israel, UAE, and Bahrain (and those to follow) are the best thing that could happen to the Palestinian people, but perhaps the worst thing for the Palestinian Authority and Hamas. It is now up to the Palestinian people — the most subsidized people in the world — to end their grievance and victimization industry, and demand a new leadership that is more pragmatic. They need a leadership that will prioritize the interests and well-being of their people, not letting the antisemitic ideology that permeates their mosques, textbooks, and media continue to ruin their chance to join their Arab brethren in the Gulf states in economic progress and the path to their own state. That begins by openly accepting a Jewish state in a territorial dimension that allows for its security.

Palestinians and their supporters, like Susskind, cannot remain blind to the reality of where the region is going, and that their Arab brothers will leave them behind as the intransigent player. If they care about Palestinians, then they will embrace these normalization deals as an opportunity to restart negotiations — something Abbas has avoided for years. As far as an existential issue, while the Palestinian issue must be dealt with sooner or later, the true existential issue for Israel and the moderate Sunni world is Iran and its hegemonic ambitions. The Palestinians are not the primary issue for Arabs or for Israel’s immediate security, as evidenced by these treaties and the lack of outrage in the Arab world, except by the political Islamists in Tehran and Ankara.

Dr. Eric R. Mandel is the director of MEPIN, the Middle East Political Information Network. He regularly briefs members of the US Senate and House, and their foreign-policy advisers. He is a columnist for The Jerusalem Post and a contributor to i24TV, The Hill, JTA and The Forward.

The opinions presented by Algemeiner bloggers are solely theirs and do not represent those of The Algemeiner, its publishers or editors. If you would like to share your views with a blog post on The Algemeiner, please be in touch through our Contact page.

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