Syrian troops ride atop a towed military vehicle as they head toward the Syrian-Lebanese border following clashes with Lebanese soldiers and armed groups, in Qusayr, Syria, March 17, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Karam al-Masri

Ending the American free lunch must extend beyond NATO and Ukraine, and into the Middle East. Europe needs to intensify its attention and deepen its involvement in Syria and Lebanon. Like Ukraine, the tenuous situations in Syria and Lebanon pose a greater, more immediate threat to Europe than the United States.

The futures of Syria and Lebanon are unknown. The collapse of the Assad regime after 13 years of war and the degradation of the terrorist Lebanese militia, Hezbollah, make already messy political and societal situations worse. The countries’ diverse ethnic and religious landscapes, displaced populations, terror organizations, a propensity for foreign interference, corruption, and poor governance are sources of instability and a cause for concern. Addressing, managing, and monitoring these fluid predicaments will require considerable time and investment.

For too long and at too great of a price, the United States has taken the lead and shouldered much of the burden in Syria and Lebanon. It has been a painful and costly experience. America suffered casualties. The US defense budget grew. Billions of US taxpayer dollars went to pointless aid. US diplomatic time, energy, and resources were drained.  

The Trump administration inherited environments where the return on investment remains poor.

In Syria, the United States maintains a reported 2,000 troops (the largest contingency of the Global Coalition against ISIS) despite the territorial defeat of ISIS in 2019. American soldiers conduct patrols in the vast Syrian desert for ISIS smugglers and members who attack shepherds and villages. American troops also assist with maintaining US-funded prisons holding ISIS members and their families, many of whom are European nationals.

American troops are in harm’s way. The March 6-10 massacres of mostly Alawites demonstrate the proclivity for sudden outbreaks of violence in Syria. The continued American presence makes them either an occupier, a patron of a specific group, or an obstacle in a deeply divided society consumed by retribution and insecurity.  

In Lebanon, the United States (with France) monitors a failing ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon. On March 22 and 28, Hezbollah violated the agreement by launching rockets into Israel. The previous week, the Lebanese government asked for further US-led mediation with Israel regarding “outstanding issues” despite not fulfilling its obligations to the ceasefire — removing the militia from southern Lebanon and disarming it.

The failing ceasefire is the second year-long diplomatic endeavor between Israel and Lebanon in three years that did not create lasting peace. The costly diplomatic investment complements a two-decade several billion US taxpayer dollar investment in the feckless Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF).

American endeavors are not succeeding. These hazardous vanity projects should be terminated.

Syria and Lebanon are not national security priorities. An ocean and seven-thousand miles separate the United States from the two countries. The US ability to influence lasting outcomes in both environments is limited. The US and Syria have never enjoyed warm relations. The de facto government in Damascus with Islamist origins is not an improvement. How many more times must a US envoy visit Beirut to defuse an Israeli-Hezbollah escalation? The faces in Beirut change but the absence of accountability and agency endure.

The ISIS ideology is not disappearing because of American troops. It requires a regional solution. The United States cannot disarm Hezbollah. It requires the action of the Lebanese state and the support of the people. All the US tax dollars in the world cannot make the LAF an effective fighting force unless Lebanese society undergoes a profound and prolonged national revitalization.

The burden of monitoring and engaging Syria and Lebanon needs to shift to Europe. The reasons are obvious. Europe’s close proximity and recent history makes it sensitive to developments in the Lebanese and Syrian milieus.

Europe is the obvious destination for most Lebanese and Syrian refugees if their environments deteriorate. They will seek to join sizable expat communities that reside in Germany, France, and elsewhere. Given the problems created by sudden influxes of refugees in the past, it is critical for Europe to prevent a recurrence.   

Effectively addressing the ISIS phenomenon is an utmost European security priority. ISIS targeted Europe multiple times. A significant number of European nationals languish in the US-funded ISIS detainment camps. Europe can ill afford an ISIS resurgence.

France’s historic relationship with Lebanon and role in monitoring the Israeli-Lebanese ceasefire make it a logical partner in facilitating stability in Lebanon. Unlike the US, it speaks with Hezbollah members.    

It is long overdue for the US involvement and attention to Syria and Lebanon to be dramatically reduced. The two countries are European priorities. The burdens of monitoring and engaging Syria and Lebanon must shift to Europe.   

Eric Bordenkircher, Ph.D., is a research fellow at UCLA’s Center for Middle East Development. He tweets at @UCLA_Eagle. The views represented in this piece are his own and do not necessarily represent the position of UCLA or the Center for Middle East Development.