Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa meets US Secretary of State Marco Rubio at the Lotte New York Palace Hotel, on the sidelines of the 80th United Nations General Assembly in New York City, US, Sept. 22, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Bing Guan/Pool

Last week, Ahmad Sharaa became the first Syrian president in 60 years to visit New York for the UN General Assembly’s annual meeting.

Bolstered by growing global recognition and newfound confidence, Sharaa deviated from his prepared remarks, offering a candid glimpse into his true perspective. If you believe he seeks peace with Israel or that Syria under his leadership will transform into an inclusive, stable democracy — as Senator Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH) optimistically suggested — think again. The reality is far less promising.

Since assuming power in December, Sharaa has carefully navigated the contentious issue of Israel. For months, he avoided joining other Arab governments in publicly denouncing the Jewish State or explicitly supporting Palestinian causes. He stated that Syria would pose no threat to any nation, implying a reluctance to engage in conflict with Israel. This restraint fueled speculation that Sharaa might pursue a form of peace, perhaps resembling the bilateral “hot peace” of the Abraham Accords, which prioritize direct normalization, rather than the multilateral “cold peace” that is contingent on resolving the Palestinian question through statehood.

However, Sharaa’s stance on Gaza began to shift this narrative. At the Organization of Islamic Countries summit, held in Doha on September 14, Sharaa condemned an Israeli strike on Hamas operatives in Qatar, drawing parallels to what he described as similar aggression faced by Syria over the past nine months.

While his remarks at the summit were brief and avoided direct attacks on Israel, they marked a departure from his earlier neutrality.

In New York, at the Concordia Summit 2025, Sharaa became even more vocal, expressing strong support for Gaza and dismissing the prospect of Syria joining the Abraham Accords.

“Abraham Accords countries have no border with Israel, whereas Israel occupies Syria’s Golan Heights,” Sharaa declared. He outlined a phased approach to dealing with Israel, beginning with Jerusalem recommitting to the 1974 ceasefire agreement, which would restrict Israel’s ability to counter hostile forces taking root in Syria. Only then would Damascus consider negotiation that should see Israel return the Golan Heights to Syria.

But even then, Sharaa emphasized that bilateral Syrian-Israeli peace talks must account for the “Arab and Islamic street,” which he claimed is enraged by the ongoing events in Gaza. “We are a revolutionary government that represents the street,” he said, contrasting his administration with the regime-driven peace treaties signed by Egypt, Jordan, the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco. “The Abraham Accords must be revised, as should Israel’s treaties with Jordan and [Egypt].”

These unscripted remarks may have extinguished hopes that Sharaa would emerge as a moderate peacemaker. Instead, his rhetoric foreboded a return to the tense, adversarial status quo that defined relations between the former Assad regime and Israel.

Following his New York comments, protests erupted in Syria on Friday, with crowds chanting in support of Hamas while denouncing Egyptian President Abdul Fattah el-Sisi. These demonstrations, likely orchestrated by Syrians aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood — who view Sisi as a primary adversary — signal a troubling rise in Islamist sentiment within Syria.

Domestically, Sharaa is increasingly assertive in consolidating power, showing reluctance to share authority with non-Sunni communities.

Syria appears to be Islamizing at an alarming rate. In the southern town of Daraa, 2,200 burqa-clad women recently celebrated memorizing the Quran, parading through a stadium while male security forces adhered to strict Islamic modesty rules by averting their gaze. The event underscored the growing influence of conservative religious norms under Sharaa’s leadership.

At Concordia, Sharaa claimed his government had granted Kurds rights long denied under Assad, such as national identity cards and equal legal status. Yet, he appears oblivious to the Kurds’ deeper aspirations. The country’s official name, the Syrian Arab Republic, inherently excludes non-Arab groups like the Kurds. Moreover, Kurdish leaders, who fought alongside US forces to defeat ISIS, expect significant roles in Damascus or, at minimum, regional autonomy.

Sharaa’s call for Kurdish organizations to disband and place their trust in his government is not an invitation to share power, but a demand for political marginalization. Sharaa has said little about the Alawites or Druze, but his vision of a prosperous Syria governed by the rule of law lacks credibility. His administration has failed to hold accountable those responsible for massacres of Alawites in the coastal regions and Druze in the south. Instead, it has either accused these communities of treason — alleging ties to Iran or Israel — or dismissed the killings as mere tribal vendettas.

Neither explanation bodes well for a democratic, inclusive future. As Sharaa gains international legitimacy and grows more comfortable engaging with world leaders, he is likely to speak more freely, revealing his true intentions. His New York remarks offered a sobering preview: Syria under his leadership appears no less autocratic than under Assad, but it is markedly more Islamist. This trajectory poses a growing threat to Israel, the broader region, and the international community.

The hope for a democratic, pluralistic Syria fades with each unscripted word, as Sharaa’s policies appear to align with populist and ideological currents rather than moderation or reconciliation.

Hussain Abdul-Hussain is a research fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies (FDD).