People attend the funeral of the security forces who were killed in the protests that erupted over the collapse of the currency’s value in Tehran, Iran, Jan. 14, 2026. Photo: Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS

Editor’s note: The Algemeiner recently made contact with a former schoolteacher and aspiring journalist in Iran who, moving forward as a freelancer, will provide rare, on-the-ground coverage of what’s actually happening inside the Islamic Republic.

IRAN — As US-Iran negotiations continue following their weeks-long war earlier this year, the Iranian government has broadcast images of national unity that conceal deep internal divisions hidden from the West and broader outside world.

State media has circulated footage of mass rallies, including scenes of women carrying pink rifles and riding pink vehicles, to project cohesion and resilience. However, interviews with residents across multiple provinces reveal a sharply different reality: a society fractured by distrust, fear, and widening political and economic divides.

In cities from Shiraz to Isfahan, many Iranians say they avoid expressing political views in public due to the presence of informants in cafés, shops, hospitals, and even residential buildings.

“In thirty years of driving these streets, I have never seen Iranian society this divided,” said a 56-year-old taxi driver in Shiraz. “Even during the war years [1980–1988, during the Iran–Iraq War], people weren’t this distrustful of each other.”

Ghazal, a café owner in Tehran, adjusts her daily routine to avoid hearing pro-government chants and rallies.

“They pass from here every night after evening prayers,” she said. “I am forced to turn the music on, so I don’t hear their slogans.”

Residents describe a climate in which even mild criticism of the regime can lead to interrogation or arrest. Several say they avoid speaking openly in taxis, shops, or workplaces.

“Whenever I see them on the street I curse them in my heart,” said Mobina, a housewife in her late twenties. “That is all I can do.”

Families of protesters killed during the anti-regime demonstrations in January say their grief has been compounded by public humiliation.

“They killed our sons and daughters and now they are executing people on false accusations,” said a family member of one of the slain protesters. Relatives of those killed note they have faced public mockery of their loved ones on state television and across hardline social media channels.

Human rights groups have reported dozens of executions since the protests, many on charges that activists say were fabricated. However, government officials thank the judiciary for executing protesters, calling it an essential measure to preserve national security.

The divisions visible on the streets are reflected within Iran’s political establishment. The tensions between the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Foreign Ministry have intensified during the ceasefire.

On April 17, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi announced on X that the Strait of Hormuz was “completely open” for the duration of the ceasefire. Within hours, state media criticized the statement, and the IRGC asserted control over the waterway, effectively overriding the official diplomatic position.

The pattern mirrors what former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif described in audio leaked in 2021, highlighting earlier disputes over the balance of power between military commanders and the diplomats. He complained that diplomacy had been repeatedly subordinated to military priorities.

In the recording, Zarif said the late IRGC-Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani, who oversaw the regime’s terrorist proxies abroad, had shaped regional strategy without consulting the Foreign Ministry, including using civilian aircraft for military operations in Syria.

Then-Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei called Zarif’s remarks a “big mistake” and an “enemy narrative.” Zarif apologized publicly, but the leak exposed long-standing tensions between the IRGC and the regime’s career diplomats.

During the current ceasefire, hardline supporters have intensified criticism of reformist figures such as Zarif and former President Hassan Rouhani who, while fervently hostile to the US and Israel, are more willing to adopt a pragmatic approach to the West.

At several recent rallies, chants targeted reformists directly, accusing them of weakening Iran’s position during ongoing negotiations with the US.

On April 23, Speaker of Parliament Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and President Masoud Pezeshkian simultaneously posted on X: “In Iran, there are no hardliners or moderates; we all are Iranian and Revolutionary.” The message emphasized “complete obedience to the Supreme Leader” and vowed to make the “criminal aggressor regret its actions.”

The coordinated statement was widely interpreted by observers as an attempt to contain public speculation about internal disagreements. The timing – amid the Strait of Hormuz dispute, days after the US imposed a blockade on Iranian ports – suggested efforts to project unity within the leadership.

For many young Iranians, political divisions are intertwined with economic and social inequality.

Ali, a university student in Isfahan, says students from families affiliated with the IRGC, its Basij paramilitary force, or officially recognized “martyr” families receive preferential treatment in university admissions and public sector hiring.

“They check everything,” he said. “Your background, your activities, whether you appear religious enough. If you align with their principles, your life is easier. If not, then it is hell.”

Several interviewed students describe feeling that their future prospects are limited unless they demonstrate ideological loyalty.

“They can rally with full security while we can’t say a word without risking arrest or death,” Ali said.

Inflation, medication shortages, and rising food prices have added to public frustration. Lower and middle-income families say the cost of basic goods has risen sharply since the start of the war.

“We are struggling to buy meat and medicine,” said a shopkeeper in Karaj. “But the rallies continue every week, and they act as if everything is normal.”

State-organized rallies have increasingly featured Iranian women without the hijab – a notable ideological concession for a nominally Islamic regime that just a few years ago imposed a brutal crackdown on female protesters publicly removing their mandatory head coverings.

Officials say the inclusion reflects national unity in the face of external threats. However, several religious figures have criticized the practice, warning that it undermines Islamic values. The disagreement has exposed divisions even within pro-government circles.

Ordinary citizens argue the images are carefully staged to appeal to Western audiences. According to critics these are not spontaneous gatherings; they are designed to show a unified front, but they don’t reflect the reality of daily life.

Beyond political and ideological divides, ethnic and regional disparities continue to fuel resentment. Iran’s Kurdish, Arab, Lor, Turkish, and Baluch communities have long reported unequal treatment and social discrimination.

Sistan and Baluchistan, a predominantly Sunni province in southeastern Iran, remains one of the country’s poorest regions. Residents face chronic underinvestment in infrastructure, limited access to health care, and high unemployment. These conditions have deepened feelings of alienation from the central government.

As the Islamic regime navigates ceasefire negotiations with the US, internal divisions, and economic strain, the image of a unified political order appears increasingly disconnected from daily realities. Interviews across multiple provinces suggest that fear, distrust, and frustration are widespread and are not going away.