People block a highway to Jerusalem on ‘Day of Paralysis’ in protest against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his nationalist coalition government’s judicial overhaul, July 11, 2023. REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun

At this point in the ongoing fight over the judiciary in Israel, it is hard to conclude which side has lost the script to a greater degree.

Israel is a democracy, and a very imperfect and messy one at that.

One side says there is a tyranny of the justices, the other says that if reform passes, Israel could become a dictatorship. Both claims are hyperbolic.

Israel’s judiciary does not function as it should. It is too powerful and relies on murky or undefined legal structures such as “reasonableness” to justify its decisions. It is desperately in need of reform.

But the reform put forward by the current coalition has been done sloppily, with a heavy hand. It is also a gross overreach.

Yet even if there is an over-correction that is democratically damaging, it would be made by a legislature elected in free and fair democratic elections.

When you hear either side screaming about a coup, questioning the legitimacy of democratically elected officials, or claiming everything they don’t like is equal to a dictatorship, anarchy or a lack of loyalty to the country, it says a lot more about the speaker than it does the process of selecting judges or the precise application of legal doctrine.

It isn’t a coincidence that the very same people leading the protests also led anti-Netanyahu protests years before the reform was introduced, or he was indicted. Nor is it a coincidence that those who are the most uncompromising on the reform are the same people who for years have slandered anyone to their left (which is nearly the whole country) as traitorous leftists.

Opposing, or overzealously supporting, people or personalities rather than ideas or policies is almost always a recipe for disaster.

This is not an attack on those protesting. The rights to free speech and assembly — and the right to protest that flows from them — are as fundamental as any rights that exist in a democracy. And I believe most protestors’ hearts are in the right place — in support or opposition. But it only takes about five minutes observing either side to see there is often a sharp divide on religious/secular/Ashkenazi/Mizrachi lines that should give any activist pause.

The real danger is not in the current judiciary or in potential reform. It is losing the very thing that allows Israel to survive against sometimes daunting challenges: our sense of shared purpose.

I recently had a conversation over dinner in the United States about the dangers of social media for kids. Someone made the point that sometimes social media is positive for teenagers because it can give them a sense of community and purpose, which they feel they are lacking.

I responded that may be true, but that I didn’t think it applied to Israel to the same degree. Israelis have generally felt a part of something larger, something to which they belong and are willing to fight to protect. That shared sense of purpose has allowed Israelis to overcome nearly constant economic, diplomatic, and, of course, military and strategic challenges for years.

Later that evening in my hotel room, I felt an overwhelming sense of unease that maybe what I was so sure of, what makes Israel such a special and resilient place, is nothing near a sure thing — not just long-term, but even in the immediate future.

The greatest risk of the fight over the judicial reform is that it seems to be a far more intense and comprehensive proxy battle for the other serious challenges pulling at the fabric of Israeli society.

There really should be no connection between sectors on this issue. Smart people can disagree on the relationship between branches of government, but there is no reason why where you come down on judicial power should be so directly connected to your salary, neighborhood, where or if you pray, or where your grandparents were born.

How did we get here? Maybe the country was never as cohesive as we’d like to believe. Maybe it’s a consequence of greater polarization across the Western world, to which Israel isn’t immune. Or maybe Israel itself has in fact changed.

Two things are clear: 1. The blame game is pointless. There are many culprits, and nobody will admit anyone on their side is one of them; and 2. Israel won’t be the Israel that any patriotic Israeli or passionate Zionist anywhere in the world wants if we don’t find our sense of common purpose. I only hope we still can.

Justin Pozmanter is a publishing Adjunct at The MirYam Institute. He is a former foreign policy advisor to Minister Tzachi Hanegbi.

The MirYam Institute is the leading international forum for Israel focused discussion, dialogue, and debate, focused on campus presentations, engagement with international legislators, and gold-standard trips to the State of Israel. Follow their work at www.MirYamInstitute.org.